Both actions—those of the fundamentalists and the Congress Party administration—realized they had one thing in common: the belief that a martyred Gandhi was more useful to their causes than a living Gandhi. They became convinced he had to be eliminated. The fundamentalists plotted his assassination, while the administration turned a blind eye.
Had my grandfather lived, he would have demanded radical changes in both politics and the lifestyle of politicians and bureaucrats. The Brahmins and Kshatriyas, the two dominant castes in Indian administration and politics at the time of independence, were hesitant to embrace such a revolution. They coveted the pomp and pageantry left behind by the British and were determined to quietly step into the same oppressive imperialist structure the British had designed to rule over Indians. In other words, a brown oppressor simply replaced the white oppressor. — Arun Gandhi, Daughter of Midnight: The Child Bride of Gandhi, London, Blake Pub. Ltd. 1998, pp. 305-306.
While it’s understandable that Sri Arun Gandhi, deeply pained by the loss of his grandfather, would express these sentiments, the way he framed his argument reminds me of a Tamil proverb: After completing a great task, he ruined it himself.
I was particularly struck by his assertion that Indian politics was dominated by the so-called upper castes. While there is truth in this observation, both then and even now to some extent, it overlooks the complexity of the freedom struggle. Many of the key figures who sacrificed everything for India’s independence were indeed from these two dominant castes, but that does not diminish the contributions of others. People from so-called lower castes and marginalized communities played a vital role in the movement, though their participation may have been influenced by a sense of uncertainty about their future in an independent India, which they felt was led by the so-called upper castes. While some sections, particularly in the South and Tamil Nadu, openly supported British rule at times, there were notable exceptions.
As I read the biographies of Tamil freedom fighters, I’ve been struck by how many prominent leaders—and even ordinary citizens—who laid down their lives were from these so-called upper castes. I could provide a long list of names, but I refrain from doing so to avoid appearing hegemonic. It’s important to recognize that their contributions, while significant, were not the only contributions. People from all walks of life, across various castes, and regions played pivotal roles in the struggle.
Naturally, after independence, leadership of the government and administration fell into the hands of those who had already been at the forefront of the freedom struggle. What else could have been done? Mahatma Gandhi had called for the dissolution of the Congress, urging its members to return home. But who were there to do the governance? I am not suggesting that only members of the so-called upper castes were qualified to rule, but given the circumstances, those who had been leading the movement had to accept the mantle of leadership.
They can be blamed for neglecting Gandhi’s security, but it is a stretch to suggest that they intentionally allowed his assassination to clear the way for their political agenda. Though it’s true that Gandhi’s ideals faded with his death, the burden of leadership in those early years—dealing with princely states reluctant to join India, and the violence and suffering caused by partition—was immense. Despite many dire predictions, particularly from some anti-Indian British voices, India did not fall into chaos but remained united, even though it faced wave after wave of challenges. For this, credit must be given to those leaders, though it’s fair to say they could have managed things better.
In the end, while the India that emerged may not have fully lived up to Gandhi’s vision, it survived the turbulent post-independence period and continued to evolve. Leadership is never without its flaws, and as the saying goes, Being the boss is a lonely thing.
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[TPT 18-08-23] Revised 21-9-2024
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