Enemy’s Enemy Is My Friend–Part Three: Conversion, Preservation and the Question of Accountability

Bringing the Three Parts Together

The reflections presented across these three parts began with a specific and immediate concern—an experience of hostility, a question about its causes, and a search for possible ways forward. What initially appeared as a localized issue gradually opened into a wider inquiry into the relationship between religion, politics, and identity.

The first part focused on the dynamics of perception and response. It suggested that what is often experienced as injustice or aggression is frequently interpreted from within one’s own location, where reaction can overshadow reflection, and where the role of one’s own action in a chain of events may not always be fully examined.

The second part placed these observations within a broader historical and global framework. It explored how, across civilizations, religion and politics have rarely functioned in isolation, but have interacted in complex and shifting ways shaped by context, power, identity, and circumstance.

The present and concluding part engages more directly with the questions that arise from these realities—particularly around conversion, preservation, and the ethical challenge of accountability.

From Complexity to Accountability

In reflecting on the theme “our enemy’s enemy is our friend,” one reader remarked in response to the first two parts of the article:

“The comfortable part is knowing religion and politics are complex, but we need to talk about the uncomfortable part—the outcomes of religion-based politics and the question of accountability.”

This observation brings the discussion into a more demanding space. It shifts attention from describing complexity to examining consequences.

One area where this becomes particularly visible in the Indian context is the ongoing debate around religious conversion.

For some sections within Hindu society, conversion is not viewed merely as an individual spiritual decision, but as part of a broader process that may gradually affect cultural and civilizational continuity. This perception is often shaped by the understanding that certain religious traditions include within their theological framework a call to share or expand their faith.

At the same time, Christian and Muslim communities generally understand conversion as an expression of religious freedom—both as a constitutional right and as a dimension of their religious calling. From this perspective, the right to profess, practice, and propagate faith is integral to their identity.

These differing perceptions create a field of tension. What one community experiences as a legitimate exercise of faith, another may perceive as cultural or social imbalance. Within such a context, responses begin to take shape.

Some strands within what is broadly described as Hindutva articulate their position in terms of cultural preservation. Practices such as ghar wapsi (homecoming) are presented not as conversion in the usual sense, but as a return to an earlier identity—particularly in cases where it is believed that historical conversions may have occurred under conditions of pressure, inducement, or circumstance.

It is important to recognize, however, that such claims—whether regarding conversion or reconversion—are often contested. They exist within a complex legal and ethical framework. The Constitution guarantees freedom of religion while placing limits on coercion and unlawful inducement. How these principles are interpreted and implemented in practice continues to remain a matter of debate.

Historical Echoes and Ethical Caution

It is also worth noting that such debates are not entirely new in the Indian context. Discussions around reconversion, often referred to historically as Suddhi, were present even during the freedom movement. Mahatma Gandhi, writing in Young India, expressed reservations not only about proselytisation driven by inducement or competition, but also about the prevailing forms of reconversion. While he acknowledged that different groups claimed the right to propagate their faith, he cautioned that both conversion (tabligh, proselytisation) and reconversion (shuddhi) could foster rivalry and mutual hostility if they reduced religion to a matter of numbers rather than inner transformation. At the same time, he affirmed that such practices could be tolerated so long as they remained within moral and legitimate bounds.
[See Young India, 6 January 1927, in CWMG, Vol. 32, pp. 513–515; Letter to G. D. Birla, 24 January 1927, in CWMG, Vol. 33; Young India, 17 March 1927, in CWMG, Vol. 33, p. 135.] (See Appendix)

Perception, Response, and the Cycle of Justification

A broader pattern now becomes visible. When communities perceive their identity to be under pressure—whether that perception is universally accepted or not—there is often a shift from coexistence toward active preservation. Actions are then interpreted within a framework of response and counter-response.

What is seen by one side as protection may be experienced by another as aggression. In such a climate, the language of “action” and “reaction” begins to shape moral reasoning itself.

Yet, explaining this pattern is not the same as endorsing it. The ethical question remains: how far can actions justified in the name of protection or response remain accountable to law, mutual respect, and the wider common good?

Accountability: A Shared Responsibility

At this stage, the question of accountability needs to be approached with consistency.

The concern raised about the outcomes of religion-based politics cannot be applied selectively to one group alone. If accountability is expected from movements associated with Hindutva, it must equally extend to all religious communities, including Christian and Muslim groups—particularly in relation to how they understand and practice propagation, conversion, and political engagement.

To ask such questions of one side while exempting another risks reinforcing the very imbalance that contributes to mistrust. A meaningful conversation on accountability, therefore, requires that all communities remain open to self-examination—not only in response to criticism, but as part of their own ethical responsibility.

A Wider Context: Internal Challenges and Adaptations

Viewed in a broader perspective, religious communities today are also navigating internal transitions. Contemporary Christianity, for instance, reflects varied patterns across regions—declining institutional participation in some Western contexts, alongside growth and new challenges in parts of Africa and Asia, including India.

Such developments suggest that religious engagement is not only outward-facing but also inward-looking. The question is not simply about expansion, but also about continuity, identity, and adaptation in changing social conditions.

At the same time, as discussed in the earlier parts, patterns of political alignment continue to reflect local realities. Religious communities may align differently in different regions depending on circumstances. This raises an important question of consistency: to what extent are theological positions maintained uniformly, and to what extent are they adapted in response to political and social pressures?

This is not a question directed at any one tradition alone. Across religions, history suggests that communities have often navigated the tension between theological ideals and practical realities in ways that reflect both conviction and compromise.

Conclusion: Beyond Reaction, Toward Responsibility

The concern raised at the beginning—about outcomes and accountability—remains central.

If religion and politics continue to interact, the challenge before all communities is not merely to assert rights or defend identity, but to reflect on the ethical frameworks that guide their actions. The issue is not only what one community does, but how all communities understand responsibility within a shared social space.

If engagement continues to be shaped primarily by cycles of action and reaction, mistrust is likely to persist. But if reflection moves toward accountability, self-examination, and mutual recognition, there may be space—however limited—for a more responsible coexistence.

The familiar expression, “our enemy’s enemy is our friend,” captures a certain political reality. Yet the deeper question remains whether such alignments, shaped by immediate concerns, can sustain a longer vision of coexistence grounded in responsibility rather than reaction.

The complexity of the situation does not permit simple solutions. Yet, acknowledging that complexity—while still asking difficult ethical questions—may itself be a necessary step forward.

Ashram

April 25, 2026

Appendix: Gandhi’s Reflections on Suddhi and Conversion

(Based on writings in Young India and related texts in CWMG Vol. 32 & 33)

In his writings from this period, Mahatma Gandhi reflected deeply on the questions of conversion and reconversion, especially in relation to shuddhi and tabligh. He acknowledged that both conversion and reconversion movements claimed legitimacy within their respective traditions and could be tolerated so long as they remained within moral and lawful limits. At the same time, he expressed concern about the spirit in which these activities were often carried out.

Gandhi was particularly critical of approaches that treated religion as a matter of numbers—where individuals were encouraged to shift from one religious fold to another, often accompanied by criticism of other faiths. He believed that such practices fostered rivalry and mutual distrust, rather than genuine spiritual growth. For him, religion was not about external affiliation, but about inner transformation, something that could not be achieved through organised or competitive efforts.

He went so far as to question the value of conversion as a system, whether it was carried out by Hindus, Muslims, or Christians. In his view, true change of faith was a deeply personal and inward process, known only to the individual and to God. At the same time, he did not deny individuals the freedom to follow their convictions, provided that such decisions were made without force, deception, or material inducement, and with full understanding.

With regard to the shuddhi movement in particular, Gandhi expressed reservations about its contemporary practice. He felt that, in many cases, it had moved away from genuine religious purpose and risked encouraging unhealthy social tendencies. He also cautioned that responding to one form of conversion by adopting similar methods could lead to further moral decline rather than meaningful reform.

Overall, Gandhi’s reflections suggest a consistent concern: that both conversion and reconversion, when driven by competition or external motives, could undermine the ethical and spiritual foundations of religion. Instead, he emphasised the importance of inner conviction, mutual respect, and restraint in matters of faith.

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