Puranas and Acculturation: Book Review

Puranas and Acculturation: A Historico -Anthropological Perspective.

Vijay Nath, Munshirma Manoharlal, New Delhi, 2001.

Content, Comments and Conclusion by Dayanand Bharati.

[Though the author uses Brahmana for Brahmins, as Brahmana is also stands for the part of Veda, which the author herself uses with the same spelling for Brahmana, in order to make the distinction between the two I use Brahmin for the caste even in the quotes from the book—DB]

While Sruti (all the Vedic scripture) received only a lip service (of course most of the time as a reference to orthodoxy and authority) and most of the Smrtis (non-vedic scriptures) remained as Brahmical books (of the Brahmins for the Brahmins and by the Brahmins providing a narrow window to their world alone) it is the Epics and Puranas that shaped the present Hinduism as practiced by the people.  But here also the hands of Brahmins played a prominent role in both ‘using’ and ‘producing’ them, keeping a definite ideological goal:

The fact that the Puranas from the very beginning came to be looked upon as the repository of all Brahmanical knowledge including Vedic, Smarta and Agamic [sectarian non-Vedic scriptures], is a further proof of the clarity of goal and vision and the sincerity of purpose of their composers and the concerted natured of their efforts to win over social segments, which had until then remained marginalized, but which in the changed scenario needed to be wooed and brought within the vortex of the main Brahmanical cultural stream. But besides these overriding material considerations, there was also the need to augment the mass appeal and base of the Brahmanical belief system as against that of the other rival systems.  Needless to add that, the Puranas succeeded in achieving both these ends to a most remarkable degree. (p.205)

These concluding words by the author, is the theme around which the entire book is built step by step, carrying every reader along with the author through the remarkable research on this subject. If the Bible played a major role in shaping the worldview of the Western world and Quran that of Islamic world, it is Puranas (and Epics) that shaped the present day worldview of practicing Hindus.¹ Finding their original, private and personal scriptures inadequate for their material gain and proselytizing effort, the Brahmins used and composed Puranas to achieve their end. How the Puranas helped them to achieve their end is presented in this book.  Considering the way the author gives authentic proof by documenting (rather punctuating) with references on each point, shows the hard work behind this book (bibliography alone runs 36 pages out of 257 of the book along with an Index of 14 pages). 

Giving the context ² for the composition of Puranas the author says:

…that the Puranas as a special category of sacred texts were composed at this particular juncture [of transition from an active market-based monetary economy to a closed agrarian system] to tide over the impending socio-economic crisis, described in the Puranas as the evils of Kali-age.  The Puranas as such were devised as subtle means of winning over and slowly acculturating the disgruntled tribal groups, who tended to hamper agricultural growth; a circumstance which was bound to affect the interest of those Brahmin beneficiaries of land grants, whose lands lay in the more outlying regions.

            Puranas, as the present author is inclined to view them, were meant to serve as instruments of disseminating mainstream ideology and cultural traditions, targeting both the marginalized stratum within the varna fold as well as the tribal groups, who because of their fixed tribal ways were prone to hinder developments in the field of intensive agriculture. Moreover, being situated on the periphery of mainstream society, the latter were also more vulnerable to heterodox religious influences, particularly since Buddhism and (p.x) Jainism had already gained sufficient foothold in the outlying areas, where monastic establishments are known to have come up during the opening centuries of the Christian era. ³—pp.x-xi

            No other Hindu Scriptures kept the door wide open (unlike the narrow window provided by the Brahmical literatures of Sruti and Smrti) to understand not only Hinduism but also about India like that of Purana and Epics.  But considering the vastness of Puranas to trace a definite theme is like hunting for a needle in a huge stack of hay (which may not be there) as, ‘the question of origin, nature and the interpretation of Puranic tradition have been subjects of much; speculation and debate from the very outset’ (p.20) But even to trace any such interesting personal theme (chosen by respective writers) it is important for us to understand the context in which they originated.⁴  According to the author in spite of voluminous writings available on various topics on Purana, yet ‘No attempt has been made either to explain the motivational factors which led to the emergence of a syncretistic spirit or to identify the historical forces at work during Gupta/post-Gupta centuries, which not only necessitated the growth of a wholly new kind of literary form, but also gave to it a popular base and a huge mass appeal. The present work aims mainly at fulfilling this long overdue…’ ⁵ (p.21)

CONTENT OF THE BOOK (in the following page we will see the main content of the book without any personal comment—DB).

            In the Introduction the author gives all the important information about ‘the wide ranging Puranic texts’ like the (eighteen) major (MahaPuranas) and (eighteen) minor (Upapuranas), caste-based Puranas (Kulapuranas), Sthalauranas (‘which besides manifesting a strong regional base, also gives expression to, and affirm and augment local identities.’ p.3).  Along with this the author gives important information about the date, ⁶ place of their composition, again set within the framework of the book viz., Purana as the main tool in acculturation. ⁷ The information given on the Secondary texts on the Purana gives us a mini encyclopediac view in the field of ‘Puranology’. ⁸

As the targeted groups in the process of acculturation were Tribals and Aboriginals, naturally the author then deals with ‘Tribes and the Problems of Acculturation’.  Within limited space (pp. 22 to 42) under the following topics: ‘Tribal elements in Indian population’, ‘Regional distribution’, ‘Racial differentiation on regional lines’, ‘Linguistic affiliations’, ‘Variations in tribal economies lined with topography’, ‘Exposure to civilizational influences’, ‘Culture contact in ancient times’, ‘Nature and degree of contact’, gives important information, though centered around her theme, yet are vital for our understanding about the overall picture about these groups in ancient India.  The main problem in such acculturation process was not ‘merely a general attitudinal change towards the tribes, says the author and continues,

It was far more necessary to educate the latter not only in the new agricultural technology but also in the varied crafts associated with it, such as the art of manufacturing a ploughshare and other necessary agricultural equipments.  This could not be done through the use of coercion and muscle power alone.  The tribes needed to be duly motivated to be made to switch over from their traditional mode of production to another fairly alien one.  It had to be necessarily a two fold process, of deconstruction and reconstruction…. The tribes needed, thus, to be first weaned away from their original set tribal ways and then provided with a fresh cultural perspective.—p.31

            In discussing about the ‘Definitional scope and need for acculturation’, the author says, ‘Though acculturation generally possible by use of force by the dominating group’ unlike ‘cultural diffusion’, yet ‘a subordinate society may acculturate to a dominant society even in the absence of direct or indirect force’, which might be possible ‘through some form of sustained ideological insemination’.(p.32)  The ‘ideological insemination’ used in the case of acculturation of the pre-literate groups was ‘religio-cultural tradition’ which may not be ‘totally antithetical to their existent pattern of life’.(p.33)

            Finally in the Introduction the author discusses about ‘Acculturation⁹ process in ancient India—a comparative study’ points out that both the acculturation and assimilation ‘cannot be fitted into any narrow spatial or time framework.  It has been an ongoing phenomenon, which has left an indelible impression on Indian culture as its prime mover and resuscitating force over the centuries’.(p.34)  Some important points in this acculturation process are that apart from economic compulsions, political forces in ‘state formation’ the ‘restructuring of the social order’ [based on ‘a fourfold varna system’], had great bearing.(pp.34-5)  Particularly in restructuring of the social order the dominant elite had to make concession and adjustments to integrate the ‘extraneous ethnic strands into the Vedic social fabric’ without disrupting the traditional social order, which now becomes ‘theoretically a water-tight arrangement, leaving not much scope for vertical mobility’.(p.37) However the interesting point to be noted is that, ‘…in the earlier phase, the initiative for acculturation had come more from the …elite section from within the dominant group, in the later phase, the aboriginal ruling chiefs and their priests seemingly displayed equal keenness to enter the cultural mainstream,….’ by performing ‘Vedic yajnas and mahadanas …  in order to gain ritual validation for their newly won political power’.(p.36)

Of course the dominant group didn’t force the tribal group to ‘change either their inherent cultural traits and customs or traditional tribal vocation. Their separate existence was, more or less, ensured as long as they struck to their respective pursuits/crafts … and desisted from encroaching upon the three main preserves of the dominant group, namely learning, power and wealth’. (p.38) The rationale for such move was ‘to prevent them from making any pretensions to higher learning, political power, social status or professional calling of the dominant group’.(p.38)  Whereas ‘other autochthonous groups’ like Bulis, Sakyas etc. ‘though living on the periphery of Vedic strongholds…. in view of their better economic status and military strength, they could not be pushed down the social scale like other indigenous groups and had to be accorded a higher varna rank by the Brahmanical law-givers…’(p.38) Even though some ‘Brahmins from the tribal priestly groups were’ inducted in the social order, yet they ‘were graded much lower in the Brahmin ranks’. ¹⁰ (p.35)  Thus:

            The interest of the Brahmin migrants in acculturating indigenous groups was as such mainly to overcome their hostility, make communication with them easier and transform the agrahara land into lucrative propositions by exploiting tribal labour and other available resources.  To make these tribes more amenable to the authority of Brahmin landlords and less resistant to such exploitative measures as forced labour (visti), what was required was not total assimilation of these tribes into the traditional varna order, but merely allowing them to exist as so many distinct caste units with pronounced regional identities, provided they took to agriculture as their primary pursuit and adopted select culture traits (such as avoidance of beef-eating) and religious beliefs of the dominant group.  This…. explains why the sudra stratum, …became a blanket-covering for agriculturists (both share-croppers and bonded labour), instead of comprising low ranking craft-groupings as had been the case in the post-Vedic period.—(p.39)

            Another important point to note in this acculturation process is that while, ‘in the Vedic phase … forceful subjugation and assimilation of aboriginal tribes took place first and the necessary validation for the resultant social structure came much afterwards….  In Gupta and post-Gupta times, on the other hand, ideology disseminated chiefly through the Epics and the Puranas, appears to have generally preceded the acculturation process’.(pp.40-41)  Similarly, ‘In contrast to their secondary role in the earlier [Vedic] period, during Gupta/post-Gupta times rituals [like Asvamedha and Rajasuya] appear to have if not wholly preceded the acculturation process, then at least partially paved the way for a more intensive cultural interaction…’(p.41)

            In concluding the Introduction, which set forth the phase of rest of the book the author says:

            A mechanism which was used to great advantage in promoting acculturation was a distinct genre of literature composed during this period, namely the Puranas.  Though the propagandist character of the latter has always been recognized, its role in acculturation by furnishing alternate religo-cultural tradition has not been adequately stressed and appreciated.  In our present study we seek, therefore, to establish the role of Puranas as an important instrument of acculturation during Gupta/post-Gupta times. (p.42)

Chapter Two: Composers of the Purnana: Their Real Identity

In chapter Two: Composers of the Purnana : Their Real Identity, supporting the view of Winterniz that ‘the Puranas to be the works of half educated priests,’ ¹¹ the author traces out the role of Brahmins of ‘outer country’ in shaping the present form of Puranas.  As we have noted above ‘large number of tribal and aboriginal priestly groups appear to have gained entry into its fold as low-grade Brahmins.  Commanding very poor social esteem such Brahmins were not even permitted to study the Vedas or attend sraddha ceremonies. Once we recognize the presence of local priestly elements within the Brahmin stratum, we must also concede the possibility of the task of Purana composition not remaining confined only to the purer and midlandic element within it.’ (p.59)

Of course in the early stages, Vedic Brahmins ‘must have had a fair share in the task of Purana composition,’ (p.55) and giving reason for this the author says:

The early attempt to evolve and develop the panca-laksana (sarga, pratisarga, vamsa, manvantara, vamsanucarita) ¹² the Purrnas must have required considerable literary skill and grounding in Vedic thought and learning, much beyond the capacity of ordinary writers who were deft only in the art of story-telling. During the initial phase, therefore, Brahmins with more impeccable credentials and less rigid or narrow ideological orientation must have set down to the task of giving a definite literary form to the long existent and floating Purana tradition(p.60)…. They, however, instead of deviating drastically from the Vedic path or adopting a more polaristic stance, succeeded in infusing into the Puranas a spirit of synthesis and eclecticism. ¹³ (pp.60-61)

‘However, with the changing political and economic scenario and the more extensive penetration of Sanskritic cultural forces into the peripheral zones, the task of Purana composition seems to have passed into the hands of a much wider but far less proficient group of writers, ¹⁴ who were anxious to seize and exploit a popular and highly esteemed literary form for narrow and more ulterior purposes’.(p.61) This could be understood from the fact that apart from the sectarian base in the later phase of Puranas, ‘the regional element also surfaces during this phase in terms of rituals, deities, shrines and tirthas.  As far as ritual practices are concerned Agamic and Tantric influences became more dominant’.(p.65)  And once ‘the gift of manuscripts of all holy texts, ¹⁵ but more specially from that of the Puranas’ become popular, the ‘redrafting and rewriting’ become ‘integral to the mode of Purana composition’. (p.66)  Thus:

The Puranas, therefore, appear to have relied heavily on the folk-practice of oral transmission.  It was done not by learning verbatim, as it was in the case of Vedic texts, but through oral recital of Puranic tales colourfully improvised and richly embellished with current sayings and anecdotes by proficient katha narrators and listened to with rapt attention by as large a group as possible.(p.68)

Chapter Three: ‘Tribes in the Puranas and the Epics

Chapter Three: ‘Tribes in the Puranas and the Epics gives lots of important information about various tribal communities (based on B.C.Law’s Tribes in Ancient India, sec. edn., Poone, 1973), their identities, Tribes in Mahabharata, Varied stages of cultural development among them and finally the ‘need for religious indoctrination’.  However to our understanding of this book centred on acculturation of them, the following points are suffice to note:

The reference of certain tribals and ‘inclusion of certain recently arrived alien groups as Yavanas, Sakas, Pahlavas and Abhiras’(87) and ‘in the case of tribes such as Kalinga and Pandyas, which were spatially much too far removed from the middle country, the arena of the great war’(87) in Mahabharata was an attempt to ‘integrate these tribal groups into the mainstream cultural order.’(86)  ‘Giving recognition to the more distant and lesser known tribal segments’ were ‘due to political and economic expediency’. (87)  At the same time those tribes ‘less susceptible to Brahmanical cultural influences’ were severely denounced by the Epic composers.(87)  However certain tribals groups because of ‘an excessively close knit tribal order with a firmly entrenched subsistence economic base and a highly evolved collective-consciousness, combined with  … an in built defense-mechanism in the shape of strong cultic beliefs and ceremonial observances which continually helped to both reaffirm and reinforce the identity and structural unity and cohesion of the group as well as effectively counter any attempts at its cultural subversion.’ (89)  The motivation behind such indoctrination of tribes and ‘willingness on the part of the subject’ was both political and economic pressure on both side.(89)

Chapter 4: Acculturation Processes Mythicised.

‘Our study shows that without the infrastructure made available in the shape of Puranic mythical frame, the process of formally integrating certain features of pre-literate belief-system as well as the groups subscribing to them into the traditional order would have been quite impossible.’(pp.113) This chapter shows how mythology as a tool was used by the composers of Purana to achieve the acculturation process.  Along with myths which ‘help to express, enhance, codify and provide sacred sanction to belief, folklore is essentially an effective system for projecting definite cultural values, attitudes and goals and as such both these may have a crucial bearing on the development of an alternate socio-religious tradition’. ¹⁶(p.91) 

The chief among the myths that were commonly used was the ‘Kaliyuga Paradigm’.  Because ‘of the many evils which are said to have assailed the kali-age, the worst according to the author of the Matsyapuran was no doubt the intermixing of the members of twice-born classes with the Mlecchas [MatsyaPurana, 273.25] as well as the flouting of varna and asrama rules by them’. (p.96)  Thus, ‘the yuga theory was a brilliant theoretical construct for conceptualizing the breakdown of the traditional value system under the constant pressure of inevitable changes besetting material culture’. (p.97)  Likewise the ‘Creation myth’ of four yugas, ¹⁷ though a part of ‘Sanskritic version as found in the Brahmans’, yet ‘it is not  simply a reproduction’ from the Brahmans but ‘displays certain accretion and variations affected through heavy borrowing from more localised tribal versions’. (p.97) 

Another important area in which ‘the mythical frame was utilized, [is] also for assimilating deities other than Brahmanical into the Puranic pantheon’.¹⁸ (P.98) For example mythical frame was used to integrate ‘female regenerative principle represented as Sakti or Devi … of all conceivable forms and origin and, thus, bridging the gulf between the Smartta and the Tantric and other pre-literate religious systems’. (p.101) Similarly, ‘it may be observed that the conceptualization of the incarnation theory was meant as much to appropriate and integrate local cults into the Puranic scheme as it served to give expression to the actual processes of acculturation.’ For example the Vamana avatara who dispossess ‘the Asura Bali of all his lands [VamanaPurana, chap. 65; BhagavataPurana, Skandha VII] is most probably a mythical expression of similar kind of land grabbing process so much in evidence during this period.’—p.101

However the ‘interesting feature of the Purana is the mythical conceptualization of tribes….that Asuras, Raksasas, Nagas, ¹⁹ etc., represented existent tribal groups would be apparent from the criteria used for differentiating them from one another as well as from the members of the Brahmanical social order.  The latter naturally served as main referents in any discussion of cultural traits in ancient India’. (p.102)

Thus:

            Once we assume that the above-noted mythical categories were modelled after certain actually existent tribal groups or ethnic categories, then the preoccupation of the Purana composers with the tribal element in the contemporary population becomes even more manifest. It, moreover, betrays a conscious utilization of the mythical frame by them to achieve a definite end, namely that of forging cultural links between the tribes and the mainstream social order.

            It is in this context that the origin of many tribal categories, both at the mythical and human levels, being attributed to well-known sages, acquires a special significance…such an overt attempt to associate the tribes with the vedic sages and ancient royal houses by the Epic and Purana composers, would appear to be prompted by the need to give some kind of recognition to the former.—p.109

However, ‘It was only with the help of mythology that it became possible to redefine and reallocate within the parameters of the traditional social frame the ritual status and economic role of such peripheral groups which though in close contact with the Brahmanical society were still able to preserve their respective identities…’—p.110

            It is also important to note that, ‘Some ritual-centric and other motifs which commonly occur in the Puranas seemingly find their rationale in the growing incidence in upward and downward mobility in the social and political rank of a person or a group’. (p.112)  For example, ‘Curse and rebirth motifs are found to be specially effective in the re-ordering of the caste structure necessitated by the social upheaval portrayed as kali-age crisis in the Puranas’.(p.112)  And , ‘the motifs and symbolisms selected by the Purana composers were mostly those which were either already current or were likely to appeal to and find easy acceptance with the pre-literate groups; for example, the motif of supernatural birth from a fruit or fish or the (p.112) motif of jar, which symbolized rebirth’.(pp.112-13)  Tirthas, dreams, omens, power of the oracle and divination were other motifs used by the Puranas.

Chapter 5: Some New Ritual Formations

            Rituals are integral part of religious life. Particularly in Hinduism, one can say with bit of exaggeration that ritualism²⁰ is the pivot around which the entire (religious) Hinduism revolves.  Though the antiquity of ritualism can be traced back to Vedic times, yet it was Puranas which popularized most of the present day rituals. ²¹ This chapter deals with the role of rituals²², like dana (gift), Tirtha (pilgrimage), Temple worship, deva-puja (worship with flowers), vrata (vow), snan (immersion in holy water), etc., in acculturation process by the Puranas composers.  This they could do by giving new interpretation to old rituals at the same time borrowing from others:

Smarta ritual-forms are also known to receive a new interpretative exposition at the hands of Purana composers.  Certain Puranic themes such as sraddha (ancestral rites), diksa (initiatory rites), prayascitta (penetentiary rites) and most of all samskara related ceremonialism are found to be severely modified and subjected to much elaboration.  Even the use of the accompanying Vedic mantras is very often dispensed with; the latter being replaced by new mantras of more recent origin….The Padmapurana (IV.94.68) narrates the story of Dhanasarma whose father followed only the Vedic path and did not engage in pauranika prescriptions and, therefore, turned into a ghost (preta).(p.123)

The reason for such adjustment is to accommodate tribals’ worldview with main stream.  For example, ‘the extensive borrowing of Tantric elements by Purana composers was aimed at endowing the Puranic tradition with a folk appeal, with which the tribal groups could relate more easily.’(p.125) ²³ However, this could be done only within the mythical framework. ²⁴

            One of the popular and open to all ritualism in Hinduism is tirthayatra ²⁵:

Thus, besides acquiring a more complex format distinguished by a set of specialized and varied ritual performances and a new class of ritual specialists, the institution of tirthas as reflected in the Puranas had come to serve as a common meeting ground for two widely different [Brahmin’s and tribe’s] religious traditions… this was achieved to a large extent with the help of myths and by diluting the didactic content and elitist base of the Brahmanical tradition.(p.136) ²⁶

One important aspect of tirtha ritual is that ‘…the Purana composers are known to actually waive aside taboos pertaining to ritual pollution through touch at places of pilgrimage.’(p.133). Added to this is the concession given to women to perform tirtha ritual. ²⁷ ‘Such religious relaxation in favour of women’ were given by the Puranas ‘to win an extremely reticent tribal clientele, since women in a tribal group are generally known to enjoy greater sexual parity and freedom of movement [Bhupinder Singh, ‘Deepending Dilemmas of Tribals and Technology’, Tribal Transformation in India, I, New Delhi, 1992, p. 317].’

Of course the ulterior motive behind this tirtha ritual is to acquire the tribal land easily. ²⁸  Other rules of do’s and don’ts regarding pilgrims imposed on others is part of acculturation process:

Certain rules for pilgrims as mundana, snana, vratas are prescribed by the Purana composers ‘specially for those pre-literate groups who did not normally subscribe to the orthodox notions of cleanliness’. (p.132) Likewise the ‘observance of … temporary taboos’ from ‘beef, pork or toddy, which though integral to the tribal mores’ … ‘helped in gradually weaning the tribals away from rigid tribal habits and in making them imbibe select societal values, which eventually became permanent cultural traits of the tribal groups.  For instance the Hinduised Kharias, Oraons and Mundas are known to abstain from meat eating’ [Karma Oraon, ‘Impact of Hindu Pilgrimage on Tribes of Chhotanagpur’, Social Anthropology of Pilgrimage, ed., Makhan Jha, Delhi, p. 120].—pp.132-33

            ‘Another important development connected with the institution of pilgrimage as it evolved during post-Gupta times was the rise of temple-centric tirthas [Skandapurana, I.1.5.56]…. What is still more remarkable is the fact that most of the temple-building activity, specially during the initial stages, is perceptible not so much in the nuclear Sanskritic zone but in the outlying regions, mostly inhabited by pre-literate tribal groups having a long tradition in enshrining the images of their tutelary deities, local guardian spirits and totem symbols’.(136-7) ²⁹ Of course there is a secular motive behind this also as, ‘Epigraphic records also testify to the construction of temples dedicated to tribal deities at remote places of pilgrimage by the local chieftains who had staked their claim to political power.’(p.137) ³⁰ However, this ritual helped the Purana composers equally to achieve their purpose :

   According to a study undertaken by L.S.Viswanath [‘Pilgrimage Centre in a Tribal Area’, Man in India, LXV, ii, 1985], temples in tribal areas have played an important role in tribal transformation and have helped the integration of relatively isolated tribes into cultural mainstream from ancient times…(p.138) ³¹

            In similar capacity, ‘Festivals are also known to perform a seminal role in integrating diverse cultural strands and groups…. The festival, thus, proved instrumental in bringing Hindus castes and pre-literate tribes within a common religious fold’.(p.141)  ‘Moreover, members of different castes and tribes, both high and low were assigned definite roles and functions in the festival ceremonialism….’ and ‘the Purana composers not only recognized some of the current festival traditions’ among the tribes ‘but also tried to Brahmanise and popularize them with the help of Puranic myths.’  And thus the tribes celebrated the festivals ‘in puranic lines’.(p.142)  By linking tribal origin seasonal festivals based on their annual calendar with traditional astronomical system ‘the Purana composers were perhaps attempting to steer the pre-literate groups closer towards the Brahmanical belief-system’.(p.143)

Another important aspect in ritualism is vrata, though aimed at self-discipline and sense control, yet it too was used by the Purana composers to acculturate the tribes.  Unlike other religious rituals as ‘vratas were believed to produce tangible results in this world itself’ (p.144), they were popularized with ‘the aid of  Puranic kathas or mythological tales woven around each vrata’.(pp.143-44)  The ‘complete dispensation of all caste and gender-based restrictions, further widened their popular base’. (p144) ‘In fact, the Puranic vratas were seemingly meant more for women and sudras than for men belonging to the upper caste straturm,’(p.144) aiming ‘to the propagation of certain select societal values’.(p.144)  For example, the non-consumption of ‘meat and liquor for a specific period of time, therefore, must have been meant to inculcate definite ethical norms and social habits amongst pre-literate groups undergoing acculturation’(p.144):

The giving up of drinking and meant-eating …on account of vrata …not only eroded certain deep-rooted tribal habits, but it also tended to create a breach in the tribal belief and value-system. It …marked a gradual attitudinal change in the acculturated group [which] was necessary to facilitate [their] transition from a hunting-gathering mode of production to a plough based agricultural system. The degree of acculturation affected through the exposition of Puranic vratas can be gauged from the fact that very soon they became integral to the tribal tradition and stories related to them (vrata-kathas) began to figure prominently in the tribal lore.(p.145)

‘Vratas were also instrumental in reinforcing other aspects of Brahmanical ideology, such as the varnasrama dharma and the patriarchal social order based on gender differentiation.  For example, married women were required to diligently observe … vows …for their husband’s longevity.’(p.145)

Apart from these rituals, ‘Fitting perfectly into the mythical mould were also numerous symbolisms and motifs used liberally by the authors of the Puranas to pave the way for absorbing extraneous beliefs and ritual practices without unduly straining or compromising the traditional value-system.  Amongst some popular symbolisms which widely permeated the Puranic mythology were the dual motifs of immersion in holy water or a pitcher, symbolizing the process of transformation and regeneration…’(p.146)  Likewise ‘rebirth through ritual enactment’ (called Hiranyagarbha ceremony) ‘was widely utilized to provide religious validation to the newly begotten power of the aspiring ruling chiefs, who were otherwise not supposed to lay claim to them’.(p.147) ³²  Thus

‘By adopting and recommending ritual practices based on such symbolisms, the Brahmanical ideologues succeeded in ingratiating themselves with the influential chiefs of foreign and tribal extraction as well, creating highly lucrative sources of income for themselves’.(p.147)  Such adaptation by the Brahmanical ideologues could be understood by the fact that, ‘The prominence given to dance and other forms of folk-performances in Puranic rituals appears to be a significant concession made by the Purana composers to the firmly rooted traditions of the acculturated groups and was the surest way of winning them over to the mainstream religious fold’.—p.148

Chapter 6: Certain Ideological Constructs as Mechanisms of Social Control.

‘The building of a Puranic tradition naturally involved the development of certain ideological constructs which could serve as control mechanisms’. (p.157)  Such control mechanisms became necessary considering the fact that the affected dominated group began to show some kind of resistance on their part for such acculturation.  The story of Angi wanted to devour Khandavavana in Mahabharata shows the resistance on the part of the affected group.  The Purana composers achieved this by ‘besides reinterpreting some of the older Smarta beliefs in the new context, [they] also developed and elaborated other concepts, such as mahapataka, naraka and srapa, which were largely meant to control deviant behaviour’ of the resistant groups.(p.157)  Thus:

            There is, evident in the Puranic treatment of the subject of acara-vyavahara a characteristic ambivalance and a rare mix of traditionalism and non-conformism which had been lacking in the earlier Brahmanical law-books.  The most logical explanation for this remarkable flexibility would seem to be the need to win over a class of clientele which had appeared anathema to the earlier lawgivers…. asauca (impurity related to time, birth, death, food, etc.) and pataka (sin) and their immediate corollary, the subject of prayascitta or sin-expiation (p.158)…. Although all the three topics were treated in the Smrti texts, but the kind of new orientation and detailed definitional exposition they receive in the Puranas definitely suggests an unprecedented situation which renders such a reinterpretation necessary.(p.159 )

            Along with this acara-vyavahara (behavioural mores for members of different social classes) another important subject is Sauca-asuca (Purity and impurity) related with birth and death, food etc. along with purificatory rites (sauca-vidhi) and suddhi (ritual/ceremonial cleansing) used by the Purana composers as controlling mechanism as well as making opportunities of ritual gift-sharing in such purificatory rites.(p.159)  Though such a ‘dichotomy between the sacred and the profane’ was known to the ‘collective ideology of the tribal groups’, yet ‘the Purana composers in developing and enforcing the concept of mahapataka [grave or grate sin], while capitalized upon this outlook of the acculturated tribal groups, yet at the same time they sought to subvert their value-system and even altogether replace it by a vastly different world-view,’ succeeded in ‘instilling in the people a deep sense of moral fear, which propelled them to conform to the Brahmanical cultural norms as projected in the Puranas’. (p.160)

            Added to the dread of the mahapataka was also the fear of punishment and suffering in hell ³³ which ‘was meant chiefly to serve as an instrument of social control and augment traditional normative behaviour³⁴ is evident from the prescription of special types of suffering in store for persons, who either transgressed rules related to varnasramadharma ³⁵or were disrespectful to their parents and the Brahmins, or though belonging to a low caste yet entertained pretensions of a higher caste…’(p.162)

‘An analysis of the thematic content of the Puranas, moreover, shows that the concept of hell received relatively more space and thrust than the Smarta tenet regarding a person being reborn as a sudra for not conforming with the dictates of the law-books.  This shift in ideological focus would seem to highlight the change in Brahmanical attitude towards the lower social segments.  The latter apparently were no longer held in as deep a contempt as they were by the earlier law-givers….’(p.163)

If hell created moral fear the prayascitta (sin-expiation) helped to remove remorse in any moral lapses, which also was another ideological construct in acculturation process by the Purana composers:

…The extremely detailed exposition of the subject of prayascitta in the Puranas clearly indicates that the very pliant attitude of their composers was largely due to the nature of exigency they were faced with.  This was mainly in the shape of having to conciliate a social group which had all along subscribed to a totally different value-system and which must have, therefore, found it difficult to adjust and adapt to another relatively alien set of beliefs and ethical principles. The Purana composers, therefore, clearly needed to adopt a more tolerant and even patient stance, in order to win over and acculturate tribal segments which were firmly rooted in their own traditions.  By encouraging the latter to atone for their occasional moral lapses or defaults in the observance of the Brahmanical moral code, the composers of the Puranas were evidently helping them to gradually shift away from the tribal and towards the Brahminical cultural pole.(p.164)

            Another parallel concept to heaven and hell is curse and blessings (both by Brahmins and gods) both to exercise their spiritual authority ³⁶ over the dominated group as well as to explain ³⁷ for the plight of the affected group.

Chapter 7: Some Areas of Puranic Focus.

This chapter again discusses about some areas like guru, bhakti, trees and forests which were used by the Purana composers with an aim to acculturate the tribes.  For example one, among the qualities of a guru, should be that he had to be born in an Aryan family.  This , ‘stipulation was perhaps meant to ensure that the performer of the mahadana rite did not engage the services of a teacher with doubtful antecedents and qualifications’.(p.168)  Similarly bhakti a coeval development along with Purana composition (however tracing its origin only in a ‘collective ethos of the tribal societies’ is doubtful, see below the Comments on the Book, section I), ‘would appear to have been more instrumental in inculcating definite moral values in the groups undergoing acculturation’. (p.174)  For example, ‘An element of bhakti continually emphasised in the Puranas is that of self-surrender and humility manifesting itself in the servile demeanor of the supplicant ³⁸ …. It is remarkable how the manifestation of a similar spirit of abject surrender towards the Brahmin beneficiary by the people residing (p.174) over the donated land, could effect material change and improvement in the nature of dialectical relationship shared by the two, making the latter more compliant and quiescent to the wishes of the former ‘that the inculcation of the spirit of devotion could help to overcome even such adverse emotions as hatred and hostility…’ towards the Brahmins. (pp.174-5).  However,

If bhakti on the one hand served to advocate and buttress feudalistic principles of devotion, loyalty and self-surrender, on the other hand, it also gave expression to protests against social injustice and class-exploitation.  Thus, whereas in the initial stages it was utilized chiefly by the elite group to bolster and augment the stratified traditional social order, in the subsequent period it served more as a tool in the hands of the depressed sections to dispel social inequalities and religious fundamentalism.(p.175)

In the case of trees and forests considering its ‘predominantly religious nature’(p.177) the way Purana shows knowledge about them is phenomenal.  The poetic view held by the Vedic people towards forest (because of their tribal world-view) and secular view because of economic purpose (like in Arthasastra) could be easily explained, whereas such ‘rationale’ ‘seems to be missing in the case of such ostensibly religious texts as the Puranas.’(p.177)

Like wise The ‘tree-related vratas’ ³⁹ which ‘were meant to be observed chiefly by women and sudras’ (who were excluded by the smrtikaras from religious rites) and concern for deforestation in the Puranas were due to the ‘mounting pressure upon the Brahmanical ideologues to provide better recognition to the erstwhile marginalized sections of society’. (p.178) The main concern for the preservation of the forest is to cater to the needs of tribes who depend upon it for their livelihood.  So ‘in order to inculcate pastoral values, the Puranas appear to have endlessly absorbed from all possible sources varied cultic and folk-beliefs related to trees and forests, providing them with Puranic sanction and integrating them into mainstream cultural tradition’. ⁴⁰(p.179)

Thus, ‘…the Puranas to be an excellent instrument of integrating and promoting definite cultic ⁴¹ models and beliefs within the established Brahmanical order it also emphasizes the role of the Puranas as the most effective media of mobilizing popular opinion and building a consensus on issues and problems affecting a wider cross-section of society’.—p.189

Chapter 8: Puranas and Epics as Instruments of Brahmanisation.

Considering the ‘regressive economic forces … rearing up, with land as the chief means of production coming under maximum pressure’ (p.194), the composition of Puranas was ‘a part of a well conceived and skillfully implemented plan on the part of the Brahmanical ideologues to reach out and acculturate the aboriginal groups living in remote but resource-rich and agriculturally potential areas’. (p.195) Considering the ‘high literary merit … extraordinary religious and popular appeal, it would not be very proper to ascribe such a totally calculative design and motive to the authors of the Puranas’.(p.195) However, considering ‘the syncretistic tenor of the Puranas’ along with the references about aboriginal groups and tribes ‘generally located in peripheral zones’ one can understand the main preoccupation of the authors of the Puranas.

‘Another important development which affirms the penetration of Epic and Puranic traditions into the tribal cultural lore is the appearance of their numerous regional as well as tribal versions.’(p.197) The influence of Hinduism is more among the agrarian tribes to food-gathering and hunting tribes ‘would suggest a direct co-relation between agricultural expansion in marginal areas and religious indoctrination of tribal groups residing there.’—p.198

Like wise considering the ‘change in the technology especially in a tribal context, particularly pertaining to agriculture’ which ‘is bound to affect … all aspects of its cultural tradition …. Socio-political organization and most of all its religious belief-system’ was made possible only by the ‘changes in the ritual patters of the groups’. Puranas were the popular means of ‘diffusion of religious ideas, [resulting in the ritual patterns of the groups’] in acculturating activities’, among the tribes.—p.199

‘Thus, by the age of the Puranas, the socio-economic developments, particularly those related to agricultural expansion not only emphasized the need to forge cultural links with autochthonous groups residing in peripheral zones, but also made it imperative to modify and adopt the existent Brahmanical system to the needs of a changing social order.  The composition of the Puranas as a distinct genre of Brahminical literature, therefore, was more than anything else, an attempt to meet the challenges posed as much by the recent socio-economic upheaval as by the proselytizing activities of the Jainas and the Buddhists specially in the remote tribal belts….’—p.204

Conclusion:

In spite of all observations of so many diverse elements, yet the core of the Vedic Aryans, viz., Smarta (Smrti based) Brahmins still have their own homogeneous character, though they are scattered in various parts of India (even in the world now).  Similarly however the acculturation was successful in Arianizing and Hinduizing the pre-literate and tribal group, yet most of them still keep their cultural and social traits intact till this day (and for this also credit is to be given to the authors of Puranas as they don’t want them to give up their tribal culture and identity and become like them, see p. 38). Though the authors of the Puranas won the early battles yet could not win a long lasting war in their acculturation process.  The initial battle they won against the heterodox belief system (Saramanas) couldn’t remain long lasting, as several tribal and pre-literate groups were easily won even by foreign belief systems like Christianity and Islam. If we closely observe the common Hindus, particularly in Aryan cultural centres, the Puranas instead of preserving the achievements in their acculturation process, viz., material gains for the Brahmins and preserving Brahminaical belief system, particularly against that of other ritual system (like that borrowed from non-brahminical belief system⁴²), introduced and imposed lots of blind faith and almost tribalized the Aryan culture centres finally.  What both the dominant and dominated gained is less and they lost more, at least from the Aryan acculturation perspective.

Though few Brahmin groups like Bhumikar Brahmins, [a sub clan/caste Brahmins, generally land owners found in Bihar, who are still not accepted as Brahmins by Orthodox Brahmins] who because of their military, economic and social strength are able to achieve vertical mobility in the later strict varna system and achieved Brahmin status, see p. 38) and those who were able to grab the agrarian land in the peripheral zones might be rich land-lords now (apart from other non-Brahmin savarnas) but majority of the core Brahmins, particularly still engaged in priestly vocations (who might be the tribal Brahmin priest later integrated within the varna system, yet assigned to a lower status within the Brahmin caste) as well as those Smarta Brahmins engaged in religious and ritual vocations have not gained much materially through the acculturation process.  They still depend upon the mercy of the generous gifts as well as the honorarium which they deserve to receive for their service to the religious needs of Hindus.  As Nirad C. Chaudhuri said, the owners of religion in Hinduism are the Princes, landed and commercial aristocracy and not the Brahmin priest:

…They [Princes, landed and commercial aristocracy (Brahmins could belong to it)] made gifts of money and goods to the priests on all ceremonial occasions, bestowed rent-free land on them, and also provided regular salaried employment to the lower priests for the performance of all routine worship and rites in their homes.

            They were in a figurative sense the owners of the religion, which the Brahmins were not…. All the monetary gains from Hinduism, which though immense were diffused, were for the Brahmin priests.  The secular patrons of the religion regarded it as a heritage and trust which they had to preserve even if they could not augment it.  The religious function of this class [Princes, landed and commercial aristocracy (Brahmins could belong to it) ] was thus somewhat akin to the political function of a feudal aristocracy. (p.139)

            …As the entrepreneurs of the festivals these classes never thought of reserving them for their private enjoyment….the temples which the upper classes owned were all open to the general public.  In this way the aristocracy maintained the hold of the highest existing form of Hinduism over the common people, in which these latter would have had no share if they had stood on their own. ⁴³

Whether or not the Ariyanized tribals helped the Brahmin (Priests) to gain materially through the process of acculturation or not, by tribalizing the Aryan communities, the Brahmins succeeded in their endeavour.  By introducing several borrowed tribal and tantric^43a rituals as well as introducing numerous other rituals—like tirtha yatra, temple worship, prayascitas etc.,– which, according to the author, were introduced by the Purana composers in their acculturation process of the tribes. The Brahmins made a good living from the Aryan communities.  Whatever in theory the author may try to prove, yet in practice today, it is not the tribes who engage the Brahmin Priest to do rituals and ceremonies for them but only the tribalized Aryan communities. [See, CASTE IN QUESTION, Identity or Hierarchy?, ed. Dipankar Gupta, New Delhi, SAGE Publications, 2004, for a better, different and correct perspective on caste in particular and the Brahminical influence on identity and hierarchy question. This might show more light on the acculturation process by the Brahmins]

Finally two points from Doinger will help us to guard ourselves from any one sided interpretation of Historico-Anthropological  perspective on any subject on Hinduism:

‘…The final objection to the historical method arises from the fact that there is no clear-cut development in Hindu mythology.  Archaic concepts emerge again in late texts, often in direct conjunction with contradictory later concepts.  This is due in part to the Indian habit of retaining everything old and simply adding new ideas…’ ⁴⁴

‘In addition to all usual problems of arbitrary periodization, the division of Indian religion into three distinct periods is complicated by the continuity of the Indian tradition; by the absence of data regarding nonreligious events (economic, social, political) which might have inspired sudden changes; by the tendency of attitudes to persist from one period, in addition to new ideas which one might have expected to replace them; and by the frequent occurrence of intentional archaism—the resurrection of old ideas in order to lend an air of tradition to a late text.  In designating these three periods as Vedic, post-Vedic (or orthodox,), and devotional (bhakti), one is referring not to three discrete strata of (p.78) texts but rather to three attitudes, each one a reaction to the one preceding it and thus “later” in an ideological sense, though not necessarily in a chronological sense’. ⁴⁵

                                    Notes

1. ‘What distinguishes the Epics and the Puranas from the rest of the Brahmanical religious texts is the fact that they were meant for the edification of not just the intelligentsia but of the common people, the peasants and the artisans, the housebound housewife and the roving merchants, who were able to relate to them as they never could to the Vedas or the Upanisads, which always remained beyond their physical reach and mental grasp’.—Preface, p.xi

2. ‘…no literature exists in a cultural void; it both mirrors and often also conditions the very society of which it is itself a product.  This is especially true of all sacred literature, which has always given expression to contemporary thoughts (p.ix) and beliefs, at the same time also serving as a powerful mechanism of effecting social control and even social change.  It becomes imperative, therefore, to relate the Puranas to the historical processes of change and development, which must have been chiefly responsible for their origin and growth’.  -Preface, pp.ix-x

3. ‘Checking heterodoxy might have been one of the important outcomes of the wide popularity gained by the Puranas, but it certainly cannot be regarded as the chief targeted goal of Purana composition’ because, ‘expressions of sectarian rivalry and even hostility, specially between Sivaism and Visnuism are found to be sharper and much more scathing in some of the later Puranas as compared to any pointed attempts at denigrating all forms of heterodoxy which we come across in the earlier Puranas’.—p.21

4.‘What is specially remarkable about the debate related to the origin of the Puranas is that despite so much speculation and a certain amount of consensus which has evolved through it about how and when the Puranas originated, not much thought has been (p.20) spared for an even more cardinal question as to why they originated at all, that too at a point of time, when socio-economic forces of change convulsed contemporary society.’—pp.20-21

5. ‘The present work aims mainly at fulfilling this long overdue need, that of finding the real rationale for the origin and growth of a massive Puranic corpus.  A close scrutiny of Puranic content, in (p.21) fact, reveals that the Puranas were composed primarily to meet a certain socio-economic contingency, that of promoting acculturation in those tribal zones, which were being rapidly drawn within the vortex of mainstream culture due to growing pressure on agricultural land in the absence of an active market system’.—pp.21-22

6. Tracing ‘the date of genesis of Purana as a distinct literary form’ which ‘cannot be assigned to a very early period’ would be wrong ‘to treat the present texts as corrupt and deteriorated versions of the original Purana Samhita’ (p.52) the author concludes, ‘Purana composition was a continually ongoing process in which not one or a series of authors but a varied host of compilers and collators participated.  It explains why the Puranas, quite unlike the Dharmasutra and the Smrti texts, instead of bearing the name of their respective authors, had to be named after either some cosmic phenomenon or the deity to whom that particular Purana was dedicated’.—p.55

7. ‘…the [date and ] place of origin of at least those Puranas which have been fixed with some certainty, are found to be mostly in the outlying zones, quite far removed from the Brahmanical heartland. The fact apparently has an important bearing on the question of the identity of the Purana composers, which constitutes a major area of thrust in our present thesis.—p.12

8. ‘…if during the initial phase, scholars remained mostly preoccupied with resurrecting, cataloguing, editing, translating and printing the Puranas, the subsequent phase was marked by attempts to analyze and situate them chronologically, geographically, linguistically, thematically and also textually.  During the latter phase in depth studies of individual Puranas, which were regarded as reflecting contemporary society and specially its religious and cultural traditions, were undertaken in large numbers’.(pp.16-17)  Based on the ‘presumption that all Puranas have a common time-frame and also reflect a uniform cultural ethos’, resulted in ‘published works dealing with Puranic chronology, ritual practices, ethics, philosophy, cosmogony, pantheon, mythology, etymology, art, linguistics, polity, architecture, technology, medical science, topography and just about any other subject which has a bearing on the Puranas’.(p.18)

9. ‘The term acculturation has been used since the nineteenth century to describe processes of accommodation and change in culture contact [Charlotte Seymour-Smith, Macmillan Dictionary of Anthropology, London, 1986, p.1].  According to some American anthropologists, it represents those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into first hand contact, with subsequent change in the original cultural patterns of both groups [Ibid.].  These changes could be in the form of reinterpretation and even revitalization of the existent value-systems of both the groups.  They could also be in the form of blending and fusion of cultural traits giving rise to a new syncretistic cultural model.  In the case of cultural interaction of a more enduring nature it could even lead to partial or complete assimilation of one group with another’.—pp.30-31

10. ‘…According to a study of tribes in the Mahabharata, undertaken by K.C. Mishra, many tribal priests seemingly acquired the status of Brahmin in course of their absorption [Tribes in the Mahabharata, New Delhi, 1987].  The ‘Malavi’ or ‘Malvika’ Brahmin similarly, seem to have originally belonged to the Malava tribe, which gave its name to the Malwa region.  The Koneki grant of Calukyan king Visnuvardhan I (AD 679) and Kondanaguru grant dated AD 673 refer to Boya Brahmins who apparently belonged to the Boya tribes of Andhra [EI (Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta and Delhi), XVII, pp. 1-4; XXXI, pp.74-80; vide B. Rajendra Prasad, ‘Boyas in Ancient Andhra Society’, JIH(Journal of Indian History, Trivandrum), LVI, 1978, pp. 22-23]…’–p.59

11. Winternitz, M, History of Indian Literature, vol. I, translated into English from the original German by Mrs. S. Ketkar, Calcutta, 1927; reprinted, New Delhi, 1991, p. 528.

‘…It is significant that whereas according to the earlier tradition pauranika sutas [narrators of the Puranas] were believed to hold a respectful position in society as well as at the royal court (Athasastra, V.3; XII.1) and were highly venerated for their intellectual excellence (dhiman, krtabuddhi) and as validating authorities, the later tradition attributed to them a mixed (pratiloma) and very low origin and even denied to them the right to study the Vedas [VayuPurana, ed., R.L. Mitra, 2 vols., BI(Bibliothica Indica), Calcutta, 1880,  I.32]] or undergoing initiatory rites (upanayana)…’–p.54

12. ‘Attempts at developing a definitional framework on the basis of the sequential order of thematic treatment led to the formulation of the panca-laksana definition.  It was first posited in the BhagavataPurana and later finds reference also in the Amarakosa [Vide S.N. Roy, Historical and Cultural Studies in the Puranas, Allahabad, 1978, pp. 17-20]].  According to this definition, a Purana was supposed to contain five (p.92) sections, successively dealing with the subjects of creation (sarga), dissolution and recreation (pratisarga), genealogy of gods and sages (vamsa), cosmic cycles (manvantara) and the dynastic history (vamsanucarita).  But as pointed out by P.V.Kane, the ‘five characteristic topics occupy less than three per cent of the extant MahaPuranas [P.V. Kane, HD, V. p. 841]…. Similarly, the dasa-laksana definition formulated still later on was also found to be equally inapt and inadequate, specially in view of the new material constantly being incorporated into the Puranas’.—pp.92-93

13. ‘The latter two qualities [synthesis and eclecticism ] continued to be the dominant traits of the Puranas throughout, despite the heavy sectarian colouring they received at the hands of less discerning and more strongly motivated writers’. (P.61) ‘Integration and adaptation seem to be its watch-words, just as syncretism constitutes the source of its inner strength and continued popularity’.—p.1

14. ‘The blatant form and degree of redactorial licence and plagiarism displayed in the task of Purana composition betrays not only the (p.62) non-existence and non-enforcement of any deterrent measures against such practices but also the non-recognition of any one writer as the sole composer of a Purana…. The process must have spanned several centuries and passed through various stages of transformation and enlargement.  The Devi BhagavataPurana (Pandit Pustakalaya, Kasi, 1969, Mahatmya, 5.93) by referring to this process as that of vipulikrtam [Vide G. Bonazzoli, ‘Remarks on the Nature of the Puranas’, Purana, XXV, i, 1983, p. 84], indirectly affirms that ‘accretions and additions’ were a normal feature of all Puranas.  S.N. Roy prefers to describe the special technique adopted by the Purana authors as that of samhitakarana, which means ‘collation, collection or compilation of the matters centering round a common tradition but subjected to variety of texts’ [S.N. Roy, Historical and Cultural Studies in the Puranas, Allahabad, 1978, p. 16].—pp.62-63

15. Pratapaditya Pal, ‘The Gift of Books according to the DeviPurana’, Kusumanjali: New Interpretation of Indian Art and Culture’ – ed.,  M.S. Nagaraja Rao, Delhi, 1987, pp. 49-52.  ‘It needs to be emphasized, however, that the tradition of donating sacred manuscripts did not begin with Brahmanism but Buddhism and Jainism [‘Ritual of Manuscript’ op. cit., p.20].  The practice was adopted by Brahminism, in fact, at a fairly late date, perhaps not much earlier than the seventh century AD, when the importance of Puranas as a mechanism of ideological dissemination had been fully realized…’–p.66

16. The mythical elements ‘which permeate the entire content of the Puranic texts … lend to it a more popular base and appeal’. (p.91).

17. ‘The yuga story is a creation myth told in terms of time in which four vast ages succeed one another, decreasing in value as they decrease in length until cosmic cataclysm destroys all phenomenal forms.  Although the story can be traced back to the Vedic literature, still its fullest flowering is evident chiefly in the early MahaPuranas and the Mahabharata’. (p.94)

18. ‘The cults of Ganesa and Karttikeya as found in the Puranas are most outstanding examples of transformation of tribal deities into major Puranic gods [P.K. Agrawala, ‘Skanda in the Purana and Classical Literature’, Purana, VII,i, 1966, pp. 135-58; A.K. Chatterjee, The Cult of Skanda-Karttikeya in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1970; G. Satyanarayana Rao, Myths and Deities, Some Aspects of Hindu Iconographic Traditions, Madras, 1993, pp. 79, 87-88].—p.98  And ‘       In the case of the Siva-centric current we find that it was largely through the extension of Siva’s immediate family-circle that deities with a prominent tribal and regional cast and background such as Ganesa, Skanda and Parvati or Durga could be integrated into the Puranic fold…it was perhaps the paradoxical ambiguity of Siva being regarded both auspicious and fearsome, which made it possible to absorb besides Yaksas and Ganesas, numerous other aboriginal totem symbols such as serpent, peacock, bull, tiger, rat as the equally venerated mounts (vahana) of the various deities associated with Siva…’(p.99) Above all, ‘…by completely identifying Siva with the phallic symbol linga, the Purana composers managed to absorb even the lesser known local deities widely worshipped by pre-literate groups and generally represented in the form of a conical-shaped stone…’–p.100

19. ‘If we were to demythologize the Puranic and Epic references to the Nagas, the latter would seem to represent, peaceful jungle tribes spread all over north India…’(p.104)  Likewise Yaksas, Kinnaras, Gandharvas, Raksasas, Asuras, Daityas, Pisacas, Vanaras were primitive tribes expressed in mythical terms in Puranas and Epics.  Such mythical categories as Danavas, Nagas, Daityas were not mentioned in Vedic literature but ‘instead abounds with references to some essentially human categories as Dasas and Dasyus’ (p.108) The reason be that they might be ‘treated on a more equal plane with some amount of social intercourse being definitely permissible between them.’  Once the varna regulations become rigid, ‘the deep disdain felt towards the aboriginal groups was sought to be expressed in mythical terms.’(108)

20. ‘…A general feature of all rituals is their non-flexibility, i.e., in order to be effective they must be performed in the correct and customary manner…. Rituals, therefore, both derive their efficacy from past traditions as well as lend sanction to them [J.C. Heesterman, The Inner Conflict of Tradition: Essays in Indian Ritual Kingship and Society, Chicago, 1985, p. 141; V.W. Turner, ‘Symbols in Ndembu Ritual’, Closed Systems and Open Minds: The Limits of Naivety in Social Anthropology, ed. Max Gluckman, Edinburge, 1964]].  There can be no tradition without rituals just as rituals without having roots in the past would be meaningless….—p.118

21. ‘…Puranic rituals are found to be either adaptations of Vedic and Smartta formulations or seem (p.118) to have been absorbed from sources other than Brahmanical; the extraneous sources ranging from tribal to Tantric to those pertaining to heterodox belief-systems [Hazra, R.C., Studies in the UpaPuranas, 2 vols., Calcutta, 1958, p. 260].  At times rituals derived through the latter sources are considered to be as efficacious as the Vedic rituals [VarahaPurana, ed., Pancanana Tarkartna, Vangavasi Press, Calcutta, 66.10-11].—pp.118-9

22. ‘Along with the extensive use of the mythical structural frame, another ideologically charged mechanism liberally used by the Purana composers pertained to rituals…’ (118) 

23. The creation of one common tirtha tradition based on gradation with a structural patterns was to weave together diverse cultural strands and features.  ‘The majority of the legends about tirthas are heavily laced with current tribal lore’.—p.128

24. ‘The mythical frame proved particularly instrumental in enlarging upon and enhancing the efficacy of certain rituals which figured only marginally in the preceding Brahmanical tradition.  This is best (p.125) illustrated by the Puranic treatment of tirthas’ [V.Nath, ‘Tirthas and Acculturation: An Anthropological Study’, Social Science Probings, X, 1993, pp. 28-54].—pp.125-6

25.  ‘…The ritual act of pilgrimage now became both a substitute for Vedic yajnas and an important expiatory measure.  It was also a means of earning spiritual merit by one and all regardless of their caste and sex.  The latter development implied a significant change in the Brahmanical attitude towards women and lower caste groups which had until now been denied the right of ritual participation’.

‘…Evidence from the earlier Puranas show that the meaning and purview of the term tirtha was drastically enlarged to embrace all possible objects which were held pure and sacred.  Tirthas now existed in all conceivable forms ranging from water, land, body, fingers of the hand, time, speech and a cow, to places resorted to by gods or sages or where images of gods were installed or where there grew an Asvattha tree, or where holy scriptures were studied or even a place where a chaste housewife or where a father and a worthy son dwelt [PadmaPurana, I, 39.56-61]’.(p. 126)

            ‘Considering their staggering numbers, which were continually multiplying, it was natural for the Purana writers to start grading tirthas either hierarchically, or on the basis of the degree of spiritual merit which accrued from them, or even on the basis of their natural form, territorial extent, association with principal deities, their functional purpose and corporal status’.(p.127)

26.  For example, ‘It was a clever ploy to explain the existence of several newly created sacred centres in peripheral areas, which had been named after some particularly renowned tirtha, in order to emphasize their ancient and sacred character.’—p.129

27. ‘The dispensation of gender differentiation in the context of tirthas, appears to be a most significant religious concession made to women during Gupta and post-Gupta times….’ Though this is a violation to the Smrti injection according to which ‘japa tapas, pilgrimage to holy places, becoming an ascetic, efforts to attain mastery over mantras and worshipping deities in a priestly capacity—these six lead to sinfulness in the case of women and sudras [Kane, HD, IV, p. 569]’.—p.131      

28. ‘V.S. Agrawala suggests that the conferring of tirtha status on a piece of land represented a “positive technique in the process of land-grabbing”, [MatsyaPurana: A Study, Varanasi, 1963, no page number given by the author]…. A contention such as that of Agrawala necessarily implies that the development connected with the rise of new tirthas made it relatively easy for the aggrandizing cultural agents to acquire tribal land in the name of upcoming centres of pilgrimage.’—p.134

29. ‘…There is, in fact, enough evidence to suggest that it was the tribal tradition of building shrines combined with the fact of Buddhist and Jaina religious monuments turning into increasingly renowned and popular pilgrimage centres, which seemingly prompted the Purana writers to proclaim temple-building as an extremely meritorious (p.138) religious act.  According to a verse of the VisnudharmottaraPurana (Venkatesvara Press, Bombay, chap. II. 222.28) in the kali-age ‘making of temple is auspicious, as is making a divine image’….

…The development encouraged idol-worship and necessitated the elaboration of rules concerning pratistha or consecration of religious structures and images.  It also led to the organization of temple-complexes with immense resources and huge staff on feudal lines’.—pp.138-9

30.  Often ‘ruling chieftains build and control[ed] popular cultic shrines and pilgrimage centres’ as it gave ‘religious sanction and popular backing for their political power’, as ‘purity and power are two inseparable categories’.—p.134. This they achieved either by some dream myth or ‘the chance discovery of the idol of a deity or some other divine portent, generally interpreted by the royal preceptor or the priest as signaling the need for erecting shrine at the hallowed spot…. Such dreams were regarded as sufficient justification for waiving aside any considerations pertaining to the ownership of land in question.’—p.135

31. ‘…But it is undeniable that the integration of at least some tribal groups into the Brahmanical tirtha tradition was achieved mainly by assigning to them an important role in the temple ceremonialism…such a close temple-tribe nexus, forged through myths and participation in temple performances, must have helped to create (p.139) at least within the temple-tirtha complex, a common cultural plane to which the tribals and the non-tribals could relate equally efficaciously.’—pp.139-40

32. ‘It was, however, the symbolism of rebirth through ritual enactment of embryonic encasement in a jar, representing the womb, as was done in the Hiranyagarbha ceremony….Thus, the Gorantla plate [IA (Indian Antiquary, Bombay), IX, 102] and the Mattepadu plate [EI (Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta and Delhi), XVI, 327] describe Anandagotra kings, who succeeded the Satavahanas as rulers of a part of coastal Andhradesa and are believed to have sudra antecedents, as being born out of a golden womb (hiranya-grabhaprasavena).

33. ‘The concept [of hell], being generally integral to all early belief systems, was, therefore, certainly not new to the Puranas.  In fact, it occurs as early as the later-Vedic period [Vide Jogiraj Basu, India of the Age of the Brahmins, p. 234] in the Atharvaveda and the Satapatha Brahmin (I.6.1) and continues to figure prominently in the Dharmasutra and the Dharmasastra texts…. The Visnusmrti (43.2-22) even enumerates twenty-one different kinds of hells.

            However, it goes to the credit of the Purana composers that they were able to develop the idea in a most remarkable and unprecedented manner and also immensely popularize it with the help of colourful imagery and vividly descriptive mythological tales which could evoke a sense of awe and terror in the minds of the people generally…’ (p.161)

34. ‘Some hells appear to have been conceived for the express purpose (p.162) of deterring pre-literate groups from indulging in meat-eating and drinking, which were integral to their tribal mores…. Certain cultic practices current amongst the more primitive tribes, such as human sacrifice must [Prabhati Mukherji, ‘Human Sacrifices Among the Khonds of Orissa’, Orissa Historical Research Journal, VII, 1959-60, p.164] have appeared particularly obnoxious even to the normally forbearing Purana composers.  Puranic conception of some hells … meant to check such practices and draw the pre-literate groups practising them, closer to the mainstream religious fold [S.S.Dange, The BhagavataPurana: A Mytho-Social Study, p. 132].’—pp.162-3

35.  ‘…It also shows that the concept of naraka was meant to act as a moral deterrent not so much for members of the higher social strata as for that of the lower and marginalized groups, who could naturally be expected to respond more strongly to the fear of hell than to the relatively more abstract Smarta supposition regarding rebirth in a social station which in any case could not be lower than the one they already held’.—p.163

36.  The Brahmins were able to retain the land grants being cancelled or transferred to others by creating the fear of Brahmin’s curse.—p.165

37.  ‘Since it was in the interest of the self-seeking Brahmins not to offend such  influential people or groups, mythical explanations were invented and extenuating circumstances concocted in the form of divine curse to justify the current social status and plight of the concerned person or group’.(pp.165-6)

38.  The another derived meaning of bhakti from the root of bhaj, ‘would seem to draw bhakti closer to the attitudinal stance of an adoring and trusting servant towards his compassionate and protective master.  Although criticism are levelled against such an overtly feudalistic approach to bhakti, yet it can scarcely be denied that al least some of its elements such as padasevanam [service at Bhagavan’s feet] and atmanivedanam [self-surrender] or prapatti can be understood and appreciated better against a specific contextual background’. (p.174)

39. ‘In fact, there is evident a close parallel between tree-based cultic beliefs of the tribal’s and tree-worship as enunciated in the Puranas…. Some Puranic writers have sought to popularize also the concept of sacred groves…’ (p.182) ‘Such sacred groves can still be found all over India in the tribal zones.’(p.183)

            ‘The Puranas also carry strong strictures against the felling of trees.  The subject of the preservation of forests finds special exposition in the VayuPurana (VII.177-79), which carries a clear injunction against any deforestation activity.  Its author warns against many kinds of natural calamities that are bound to befell indiscriminate felling of trees (VI.92-95)’.—p.184

40. ‘ It must have been as much to focus attention upon the problems of tribal disaffection and ecological imbalance resulting from the receding forest-cover, … especially those engaged in the colonizing activities, an attitude of respect towards all forms of vegetation, that the authors of the Puranas extensively incorporated tree related cultic beliefs into the Puranic lore…’—p.187

41. ‘Among the deities, which became the pivot of major sectarian movements mainly through the Puranic medium, were, Siva, … Durga/Parvati and son Skanda-Karttikeya, all of whom are known to be more closely affiliated with forests than with the ksetra…. Even the cult of Visnu, though normally associated with settled life and preservation of the established social order, in its Puranic manifestations of Jagannatha and Narasimha has close affiliations with the world of vana and tribes..’—p.188

42.  ‘Apparently the extensive borrowing of Tantric elements by Purana composers, was aimed at endowing the Puranic tradition with a folk appeal, with which the tribal groups could relate more easily’.—p.125

43. Nirad C. Chaudhuri,Class Differences: Priests and the Aristocracy, , ‘Regional and Social Diversity’, Chapter Two, Part Two, Hinduism a religion to live by, Delhi, Oxford University Press, (1979), 1996, pp.139-40

43a. About the word ‘Tantric’ Kane says:

It is difficult to give a general definition on Tantras.  The word `Tantra’ is derived usually from `Tan’ to spread and `trai’ (to save).  `It spreads (dilates upon) many matters including the tattvas and mantras and affords protection; therefore it is called Tantra’.  They can only be described but one matter is included in almost all of them, viz. the five `Makaras’.  Often they contain an amalgam of religion, philosophy, superstitious dogmas, rites, astronomy, astrology, medicine, prognostications.  They resemble the Puranas in several respects…—Kane, op. cit, Vol. V, Part I, p. 1049.  For more information on this word see, ibid. Vol. Vol.I, part. I. pp. 130-31.

44. Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty, The Origins of Evil in Hindu Mythology, University of California Press, Berkeley. Paperback Edition, (1976) 1980, pp. 11-12

45. ibid., pp. 78-79

SOME COMMENTS ON THE BOOK:

            Considering the remarkable research that has been done and the academic status behind her (Dr. Vijay Nath is a Reader in Jankidevi College, Delhi University.  She secured her Master’s and Ph.D degrees from the University of Delhi.  Her articles have appeared in a number of well-known journals.  She is the author of the book Dana: Gift System in Ancient India (600 BC-C. AD 300): A Socio-Economic Perspective.  She has been elected [president of ancient Indian History section of the sixty-first session of Indian History Congress). The way she has written the book in an objective way (within the academic atmosphere also) we have to agree with her theme in the book.  However as a lay man, untrained in any such academic atmosphere, I have few subjective comments to make exclusively based on my personal observations and few elementary studies that I have done on my personal level.  These comments are aimed not to criticize her, but to raise some doubts from my side and also to point out how sometimes such an academic researches done may not reflect the ground reality much.

            Before further proceeding, I have to say one thing.  In some of the conclusions that the author arrives, she has to infer certain facts based on speculation and then build her theme around it.  That’s why we come across several times word ‘seem’ in the book on important point.   For example:

‘Similarly the excessive attention paid to the careful nurturing of plants and trees in the Purana, seems to reflect the fear and threat of deforestation, a natural concomitant to too much agricultural expansion’.– P.xi

‘Integration and adaptation seem to be its watch-words, just as syncretism constitutes the source of its inner strength and continued popularity’.—p.1

‘The Kulapurana which figure prominently in the medieval Telugu literature, likewise focus upon certain artisanal communities, which seem to have used them for achieving vertical mobility in caste hierarchy…’–p.3

‘…the task of Purana composition seems to have passed into the hands of a much wider but far less proficient group of writers…’–p.61

Once we assume that the above-noted mythical categories were modeled after certain actually existent tribal groups or ethnic categories, then the preoccupation of the Purana composers with the tribal element in the contemporary population becomes even more manifest.—p.109

‘…Purana rituals are found to be either adaptations of Vedic and Smartta formulations or seem to have been absorbed from sources other than Brahmancal; the extraneous sources ranging from tribal to Tantric to those pertaining to heterodox belief-systems’.—pp.118-9

‘…Regional pride seems to have been strong throughout the medieval period and even later’.—p.136

‘…which seemingly prompted the Purana writers to proclaim temple-building as an extremely meritorious (p.138) religious act’.—pp.138-9

‘In fact , the Puranic vratas were seemingly meant more for women and sudras than for men belonging to the upper caste straturm’.(p.144)

‘The most logical explanation for this remarkable flexibility would seem to be the need to win over a class of clientele which had appeared anathema to the earlier lawgivers….—p.158

‘This shift in ideological focus would seem to highlight the change in Brahmanical attitude towards the lower social segments.’—p.163

 ‘The image of guru which emerges from the Puranas seems to find its close counterpart in the guru of a more recent tribal tradition gathered through anthropological field studies…’(p.170)

‘The latter meaning [service] would seem to draw bhakti closer to the attitudinal stance of an adoring and trusting servant towards his compassionate and protective master’.—p.174

‘Thus, whereas the terms brahmana and vaisya were generally applied to people with particular vocations, the other two terms initially seem to have chiefly ethnic connotation,’–p.200

Now to the COMMENTS:

1. ‘Checking heterodoxy might have been one of the important outcomes of the wide popularity gained by the Puranas, but it certainly cannot be regarded as the chief targeted goal of Purana composition’ because, ‘expressions of sectarian rivalry and even hostility, specially between Sivaism and Visnuism are found to be sharper and much more scathing in some of the later Puranas as compared to any pointed attempts at denigrating all forms of heterodoxy which we come across in the earlier Puranas’. (p.21)

–This argument is not much valid and twisting the fact to fix with one’s own theory.  Once ‘the founders of the heterodox sects, specially Buddha, as one of the many incarnations of Puranic god Visnu’, and ‘succeeded in negating the very rationale for the separate identity and continued existence of these religious systems’, the LATER Puranas now turned their attention in sectarian rivalry as their common enemy is no more there to target. Note the words ‘EARLIER’ and ‘LATER’ Puranas.  It is very difficult to come to any such conclusion considering the time gap between the earlier and later Puranas.  Of course the author’s theme may be valid considering the overall purpose of Purana composition taken in their totality, but saying that it was not the ‘chief’ targeted goal of Purana composition’ in the earlier period is doubtful.—DB

2. I find some contradiction here.  The author says ‘what was required was not total assimilation of these tribes into the traditional varna order but merely allowing them to exist as so many distinct caste units with pronounced regional identities, provided they took to agriculture as their primary pursuit and adopted select culture traits (such as avoidance of beef-eating) and religious beliefs of the dominant group’. (p.39)  Then she says, ‘This…. Explains why the sudra stratum, … became a blanket-covering for agriculturists (both share-croppers and bonded labour), instead of comprising low ranking craft-groupings as had been the case in the post-Vedic period.’(p.39)

–The fact is that sudras are still a part of varnaorder [see p. 40, final paragraph], who alone remain in most part of India as forced labour (visti).  Though the tribes adopted agriculture as their vocation, still not only remain socially free from the dominant group but continue to eat beef and remain outside the varna stratum.  In Rewa where I visit my shishya’s village, behind where he lives there is a ‘tola’ of adivasis who took agriculture labour as their vocation, but they are not considered sudras, as there are other sudras in the village and they are distinct from the adivasis.—DB]

3. ‘That Brahmins of outer countries were held in far lower esteem and were to be avoided at the ancestral rites becomes evident from a passage of the Saurapurana quoted by Hemadri (thirteenth century AD) in his Sraddhakalpa [R.P. Chanda, The Indo-Aryan Races, reprint, Indian Studies Past and Present, Calcutta, 1969, p. 102].  Such a differentiation clearly bespeaks certain fundamental differences existing between Brahmins of middle-country and those found in the outer countries.

            The differences become further accentuated by the fact that the authors of the Puranas deemed it necessary to attribute to Brahmins of outlying regions mythical origins.’—p.58

–it is true that certain kinds of Brahmins were to be avoided at ancestral rites (sraddha).  It may be true that the Brahmins of outer countries were held in far lower esteem by the middle country Brahmins.  First of all we should understand that there might be regional bias behind such restriction because such restriction is not limited only to mid-landic country  but even in South India, particularly in Tamilnadu such restriction imposed on certain kind of Brahmins among them is still in practice there.  Restriction of invitees to a sraddha is limited to the rituals held in vedic Brahmin’s houses.  Even to day in South India both marriage and funeral rites and sraddha in a vedic Brahmin’s house will be performed by another vedic Brahmin properly trained for that purpose and not by any kind of Brahmin priest like Gurukal (temple priests), Panchanga Brahmins (who do all the sanskars for sudras particularly) etc.  In most cases these vedic Brahmins (also knows as smarta Brahmins) won’t do any rituals for non-Brahmins.  So the distinction is not limited only to region (middle vs. outer) but even in outer region like South India, the distinction exists even today.  So the migrated mid-landic Brahmins still kept this bias against certain assimilated Brahmins from non-Aryan background.—DB

4. ‘During the initial phase, therefore, Brahmins with more impeccable credentials and less rigid or narrow ideological orientation must have set down to the task of giving a definite literary form to the long existent and floating Purana tradition(p.60)…. They, however, instead of deviating drastically from the Vedic path or adopting a more polaristic stance, succeeded in infusing into the Puranas a spirit of synthesis and eclecticism. (pp.60-61)

The latter two qualities continued to be the dominant traits of the Puranas throughout, despite the heavy sectarian colouring they received at the hands of less discerning and more strongly motivated writers. It was this inherently accommodative and syncretistic attitude of the early composers which also paved the ground for the absorption of a wide variety of folk-material, thereby lending a more popular base and appeal to the Puranas…’—pp.60-61

–As there is some difference between synthesis and syncretism, which one is the author referring to?  Considering the same word used in other places, she might be referring to only ‘syncretism’.  Any ‘accommodative attitude’ will have the ‘spirit of synthesis and eclecticism’ whereas any specific motivation will result in syncretism.–DB

• ‘Despite an ongoing debate on the nature and adequacy of the kali-age paradigm in making a convincing case in favour of feudal formation in early medieval India, the data contained in the Matsyapurana does indicate some kind of social turmoil and cultural ferment.’—p96

—so, as the kali-age paradigm was debatable it is difficult to come to a particular conclusion based on the data of one Purana .—DB.

• ‘According to the Brahmapurana [Vide P.V.Kane, HD, IV, p. 568] a householder whose wife is alive and is chaste, must go on pilgrimage with her, otherwise he would not reap the fruit of pilgrimage….’—p.131 

–whereas on the practical level, I have seen in several parts of North India and even asked a few as to why they never take their wives along with them on tirtha yatras.  The answer that I got in general was, ‘it is difficult to take women along with us as tirtha yatras are difficult.  Above all Sastras say that when the husband returns from the tirtha yatra, if the wife come and touch his feet and worship him, she will get all the merit of that tirtha yatra, without performing it.  When there is easy way for them to get the merit why should we trouble them.’  On the other hand, when one of my shishya’s father (of course in Tamilnadu) refuse to go with the family for tirtha yatra, because of lots of work, all his relatives insisted that he go ‘as a wife cannot go alone without her husband accompanying him to any tirtha yatra.’  This shows how any kind of religious injunction can be twisted by common people to their advantage. Considering the following point, we can see how common people take those injunctions which is convenient to them.—DB

            ‘Such a liberal stance displayed by Purana composers with regard to woman’s freedom to visit tirthas is at complete variance with the Smrti injunction which lays down that japa, tapas, pilgrimage to holy places, becoming an ascetic, efforts to attain mastery over mantras and worshipping deities in a priestly capacity—these six lead to sinfulness in the case of women and sudras [Kane, HD, IV, p. 569]’.—p.131

7. ‘Such religious relaxation in favour of women’ were given by the Puranas ‘to win an extremely reticent tribal clientele, since women in a tribal group are generally known to enjoy greater sexual parity and freedom of movement [Bhupinder Singh, ‘Deepending Dilemmas of Tribals and Technology’, Tribal Transformation in India, I, New Delhi, 1992, p. 317].’

–This may be theoretically true, but how many tribal women one can see even in this 21^st century in tirtha yatras?  All the freedom of movement particularly among the tribals are restricted to their immediate surroundings.  I have seen and also heard that the ‘greater sexual parity and freedom of movement’ among the tribal women are displayed during the melas (fairs) that are held in their immediate proximity.  Though in general melas are arranged during important festival days, as far as my practical knowledge and experience goes, going to a mela is never considered exclusively as a pilgrimage (Kumbamela may be an exception.  Here also going to a nearby holy river or tank, or even a local river or the house well, taking bath on special religious occasion is called parab snan and not tirtha yatra).  This assumption by the author fits her theory of acculturation by Puranas very well, but doesn’t remain true in practice.–DB

8.          ‘An analysis of the thematic content of the Puranas, moreover, shows that the concept of hell received relatively more space and thrust than the Smarta tenet regarding a person being reborn as a sudra for not conforming with the dictates of the law-books.  This shift in ideological focus would seem to highlight the change in Brahmanical attitude towards the lower social segments.  The latter apparently were no longer held in as deep a contempt as they were by the earlier law-givers…. It also shows that the concept of naraka was meant to act as a moral deterrent not so much for members of the higher social strata as for that of the lower and marginalized groups, who could naturally be expected to respond more strongly to the fear of hell than to the relatively more abstract Smarta supposition regarding rebirth in a social station which in any case could not be lower than the one they already held’.—p.163

–this supposition regarding rebirth is doubtful.  As far as my knowledge goes, there exists a general belief that even a savarna could be born again lower to his varna and caste status according to the sin and adharma (violating his normative dharma) that he/she committed.  It is interesting to note that the author who gives so many references to almost all the points didn’t give any reference to this ‘abstract Smarta supposition regarding rebirth.’ The following from Kane is important to note:

‘The Br.Up.VI.2.15-16 and Chan.V.3.10 ff…. These, making efforts to secure worlds (by sacrifices etc), again and again repeat coming to this world.  Those, however, who do not know both [Devayana and by the Pitryana paths] these paths, they become (are born as) worms, locusts (or birds) and flies. (Also vide Gita VII.23-27, Santiparva. 26.8-10).’– Kane, Vol. V, Part I, .pp.1555-56.  The context here is only for the Twice born (may be even exclusively Brahmins).  So there is a chance for a twice born too to be born lower to his present caste status.—DB

9 ‘. …The extremely detailed exposition of the subject of prayascitta in the Puranas clearly indicates that the very pliant attitude of their composers was largely due to the nature of exigency they were faced with.  This was mainly in the shape of having to conciliate a social group which had all along subscribed to a totally different value-system and which must have, therefore, found it difficult to adjust and adapt to another relatively alien set of beliefs and ethical principles.  The Purana composers, therefore, clearly needed to adopt and adapt to another relatively alien set of beliefs and ethical principles.  The Purana composers, therefore, clearly needed to adopt a more tolerant and even patient stance, in order to win over and acculturate tribal segments which were firmly rooted in their own traditions.  By encouraging the latter to atone for their occasional moral lapses or defaults in the observance of the Brahmanical moral code, the composers of the Puranas were evidently helping them to gradually shift away from the tribal and towards the Brahminical cultural pole.(p.164)

–this might be true regarding the theme of ‘acculturation of tribals’.  But in practice the prayascitta was imposed more severely on the Brahmins as well other savarnas for all the moral lapses.  I have seen mostly the Brahmins and other savarnas doing the prayascitta more sincerely. Forget the tribals, even sudras ever knew any kind of prayascitta for the moral lapses or defaults in the observance of the Brahmanical moral code though they may exist in theory.  Note down the following from Kane in which, again the context is for the savarnas:

… But when the sinner performed the appropriate prayascitta [penance], the smrtis declare that he became fit to be associated with [vyavaharya], he was to be welcomed by his relatives who were to take a bath along with him in a holy river or the like and who were to throw in the water an unused jar filled with water, he should offer grass to cows in the midst of his relations, they were not to find fault with him later on.  Vide Manu XI.186-87, Yaj.II.295,299, Vas.15.20, Gaut.20.10-14 (which prescribes the recital of certain Vedic mantras and the offering of clarified butter into fire)…–Vol. II, Ch. XXVI. Dayabhaga [Partition of wealth]. p. 615.

…if a man became patita and refused to undergo prayascitta, he was driven out of the Hindu fold by the procedure of ghatasphota (vide H.of Dh.vol.I pp.387-88), and Gaut.Dh.S.20.2 and Manu XI.182-183 provide that such a man was to be held to be dead and his relatives were to perform all rites for him such as offering water and sraddha and were also to observe asauca for him.–Vol. IV, Ch.vi. p. 261.

10.‘The image of guru which emerges from the Puranas seems to find its close counterpart in the guru of a more recent tribal tradition gathered through anthropological field studies [K.N. Sahay, ‘Trends of Sanskritization among the Oraons’, op.cit. (I couldn’t find this reference also not in the Bibliography) pp.22-23; R.S. Mann, ‘Structure and Role Dynamics among the Bhils of Rajasthan: A Case of the Bhagat’, Tribal Movements in India, I, ed., K.S.Singh, Delhi, 1983, pp. 309-17]…’–p.170

–in case of such seemingly findings that too ‘of a more recent tribal tradition’ cannot draw a close parallel with an ancient tradition.  The recent tribal tradition could be the outcome of the acculturation process of the Brahmins.  It is interesting to note that while the author gives credit (or blame) to the Purana composers for all the ‘Brahminical worldviews among the tribals’ here she is not mentioning any such Brahminical influence, but refer it as a parallel tradition.  However the references she gives about such survey among Oraons [she mentions about ‘a section of Hinduised bhagats], Bhumij, Dhulia etc. shows that this concept of guru among the tribes might be the natural outcome of the acculturation process.—DB.

11. The four mathas set-up by Sankaracarya ‘was clearly meant to spread and promote Vedic/Sanskritic religious ideology in the remoter regions of India.’—p.172

–It may be true that Sankaracarya established the four mathas in the four corners of India to promote Vedic religious ideology.  But qualifying it as ‘remoter’ rather than ‘corner’ is to twist the fact to fit into one’s theme.  If we accept the common tradition about Sankara’s Digvijaya, his main aim was to combat the growing influence of Saramanas (Buddhism and Jainism) and not to acculturate tribals.  According to Sankara’s theology, where there is not a scope for salvation to a Sudra (may be not even to other non-Brahmin savarnas), why should he bother about tribals?  For this the author may say that as the Saramanas proselytizing work was progressing more in the peripheral zone, Sankara also established his mathas in those ‘remoter’ regions. Sankara might be concerned about the growing menace of Saramanas, but his target group might not be tribals, considering his theology. (Refer Cloony@)

@. ‘Sankara presents a simple, stark version of the Mimamsa argument that sudras are to be excluded, simply because the Veda excludes them:

The sudra has no competence, since he cannot study the Veda; for one becomes competent regarding things spoken of in the Vedas after one has studied the Vedas and known these things from them.  But there can be no study of the Veda by a sudra, for study of the Veda presupposes investiture with the sacred thread, which is restricted to the three castes.(UMS I.3.34)– Francis X. Clooney, S.J.,Theology after Vedanta, An Experiment in Comparative Theology, Albany, State University of New York Press, 1993, p.138

12.‘From the point of view of Puranas and their role in acculturation, what is of particular significance is that most studies undertaken on the subject of bhakti not only trace its genesis to the collective ethos of the tribal societies but also ascribe its ascendancy chiefly to the post-Christian era centuries, thus, making Purana composition and the growth of bhakti as a religious ideology, two parallel and coeval developments which fit almost exactly a common timeframe’.—p. 173

–the concept of bhakti could be there among the tribes as a coeval development along with Purana composition, but tracing ‘its genesis to the collective ethos of the tribal societies’ not mentioning any other origin outside the tribal ethos might limit an objective analysis of the theme.

13. ‘An element of bhakti continually emphasized in the Puranas is that of self-surrender and humility manifesting itself in the servile demeanor of the supplicant [BhagavataPurana (Pandit Pustakalaya, Kasi, 1969), XI.29.34].  The term bhakti is derived from the root bhaj, which means both to divide/distribute as well as to serve [S.B. Bhattacharya, ‘Linguistic Background of the Word Bhakti’, The Bhakti Cult and Ancient Indian Geography, ed., D.C.Sircar, pp. 67-69; K.Bharadvaj, A Philosophical Study of the Concept of Visnu in the Puranas, New Delhi].  The latter meaning would seem to draw bhakti closer to the attitudinal stance of an adoring and trusting servant towards his compassionate and protective master.  Although criticisms are leveled against such an overtly feudalistic approach to bhakti [V.K.Thakur, ‘Social Roots of the Bhagavad-Gita: A Note on the Role of Ideology in the Early Medieval Feudal Comples’, Appendix I in Historiography of Indian Feudalism, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 104-18], yet it can scarcely be denied that at least some of its elements such as padasevanam and atmanivedanam or prapatti can be understood and appreciated better against a specific contextual background’.—p.174

–One good thing in the book is that the author points out the other views which may oppose to her theme.  But keeping the context of acculturation as the only criteria to asses  all other concepts in Purana, particularly which it borrowed from outside (here from bhakti tradition which grew side by side independently from Purana [‘two parallel and coeval developments’ p.173] will limit the scope of understanding the contribution of various concepts to Puranas.—DB

Even such an ‘abject surrender towards the Brahmin’ could be possible out of fear of curse or personal relationship developed on love but not because of any bhakti concept of surrender because ‘purity and power are two inseparable categories’ (p.134) in Hinduism.  And particularly among the tribes, obedience to the leaders and their beneficiaries (both god or men) is because of the power they have to protect them but in bhakti concept the elements such as padasevanam and atmanivedanam are done not because of the power of god, but out of love and personal relationship with god.  Considering the derived meaning of service, from the root bhaj, it is done not because of fear but out of love.  None of the saints in bhakti tradition have ever served their god out of fear or for protection but only for love.  Even in the story of Kannanppar, who himself was a hunter (so a tribe), plucked his eye to fix it on the bleeding eye of  Siva out of love and not because of the power of Siva.—DB

The following is the story of Kannappar (originally known as Tinnan) told by G.U.Pope :

Tinnan a hunter worshipped Sivalinga by offering leaves, flesh and water brought by his mouth and cleaning the lingam by his leg with shoes on it.  On seeing this when the priest felt hurt, in order to reveal the love of Tinnan God caused blood to trickle down from his right eye.  On seeing this Tinnan immediately removed his one eye and applied it on the bleeding eye of the Lord.  To further prove his love God caused another eye also to bleed.  Without any hesitation, Tinnan was about to remove his other eye.  But once removed his other eye he would become blind, he put his leg with shoes on the left eye of the lingam which is bleeding to make sure that he will fix his another eye properly and attempted to scoop out his another eye.  That time God appeared before him and asked him to stop and proved his love and devotion to the Brahmin priest and from that time Tinnan was called Kannappar, as he didn’t hesitate to sacrifice his “Kan” (eye) for his God.— Pope,G.U., Tiruvacagam, Oxford, 1900, reprinted by Madras University, 1979, third edition, pp. 141-145

14. ‘the genesis and development ‘ of bhakti ‘mainly in the outlying regions away from the mid-landic zone’ and the ‘the impact of bhakti movement on the life in Assam as a whole was very deep and extensive’, does not show that every concept was used by the Purana composers for their end to acculturate the dominant people.  Considering the fact that the ‘genesis’ of bhakti from Dravidea country (utpanna dravida bhakti), where the Puranas of mid-landic orientation has no parallel* at all (see page 3,) shows that in spite of the interpretation given by the author, its orientation was different.  Though it ‘served as an effective ideological weapon in the hands of the mainstream ideologues seeking to indoctrinate the marginalized social segments’ and ‘however, it was seized by the latter to fight and subvert the social inequities perpetuated by the feudal social order’. (p.176) Such a fight could be traced going on side by side, at least in Dravidian country where it originated.  So it is difficult to bring in to a neat chronological order as if early exponents of bhakti like Ramanuja and Vallba and other Alvar saints were from elite group and in medieval phase the leaders were from artisanal and other working classes’. (p.176)  Because even in later time also leaders like Chaitania of Bengal is also from Brahmin community and like wise several Saiva saints of bhakti movements even in the early period are from lower caste. (see also Doinger’s comment on tracing any  chronological development in the study of Hinduism in Conclusion)—DB

* Tamil Puranas have nothing in common with the classical Puranic literature except for their suffix Purana.  In fact, most of the texts which fall within the blanket covering of the Puranic corpus, evince features which are completely at variance with those of the major Puranas [V. Raghavan, ‘Tamil Version of the Puranas’, Purana, I, 1960].—p.3

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Dr. Brindha Ramesh’s comments:

1. gloss sruti.–done
2. Explain briefly the difference between Veda, smarta and agamic.–done
3. Gloss sruti/smrit.  Why are they limited in vision—‘narrow window’.—I pointed out in the text itself as all the Brahminical literatures are of them, for them and by them, they provide only a narrow widow.  Do we need to explain it further?  Then we can add the words ‘as outsiders can understand about them only through those Brahminical works’.–DB
4. After (p.41)-rewrite the sentence, ‘In concluding the introduction while set forth the phase of rest of the book.’—this you alone can do–DB
5. Golss agamic and tantric.—Tantric is done as a foot notes 43a.
6. Explain clearly the sentence in brackets after p.168—I think it is clear–DB
7. Clarify after p.177—is it not clear?–DB
8. Who are Bhumikar Brahmins?—done–DB

Comments on the book

1. Para 1—do not be apologetic.—Do you think that I have to remove that sentence in which I have stated that I am not academically trained one?–DB
2. Don’t’ give so many egs. Of use of word ‘seem’—2 or 3 each from 4 chapters will do.—what do you think?
3. Last sentence of comment 1 not clear.—done–DB
4. Comment 4 not clear.  How jump is it?  Can you drop it?—Comments will always jump as it is a comment on some points picked up from the book from different pages.–DB
5. I thing the author means sudras do not bother about the theory of rebirth as they can not be born in a lower caste.—In fact not only Shudras but even other caste lower them also believe in rebirth.  I don’t understand what Dr. Brindha means here.–DB
6. Re do story of  Kanapar.—It is verbatim borrowed from Pope.  How can I redo it?  His sketch is more precise and clear.–DB